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October 31, 2011

Asia faces rocky road in securing energy needs | Reuters

Asia faces rocky road in securing energy needs | Reuters

SINGAPORE | Mon Oct 31, 2011 7:27am EDT

(Reuters) - Governments in emerging Asian economies will struggle to secure their rising energy needs as rapidly swelling demand in leading consumers China and India outpaces growth in supplies, which is likely to keep oil prices over $100 a barrel.

High fuel costs for importers are threatening their economies as they grapple with rising subsidy bills and inflation.

The fuel burden, with oil imports costing around 5 percent of gross domestic product, is weighing on economic growth, said Richard Jones, deputy executive director of the International Energy Agency.

"It's particularly sensitive in emerging markets, India is a country that has got a particularly high oil burden, they import a lot," Jones said.

The rise in prices has been partly blamed on the growing energy appetite of Asian nations. China, the world's second-biggest economy, has driven oil demand growth for a good part of the past decade. India is also competing to secure scarce energy resources for its billion-plus people.

The global economy needs to see lower prices, Nobuo Tanaka, former head of the International Energy Agency, said.

"If $100 oil continues, it will be as bad as 2008," Tanaka told the Singapore International Energy Week (SIEW) conference.

Brent prices have averaged over $111 a barrel so far this year, sharply up from an average of around $80 in 2010. The front-month contract hit a high of $147.50 in July 2008, just ahead of the global financial crisis of that year.

Brent at over $100 would cut global oil demand by around 1 million barrels per day (bpd) from what fuel consumption would be at a price of $70 to $80 per barrel, Tanaka said. That would slice more than 1 percent from total world fuel consumption.

Brent will average $106.80 per barrel next year and $108.60 in 2013, a recent Reuters poll of 35 analysts showed, as demand for fuel from China and other emerging economies keeps the global oil market tight.

The burden of high energy costs on growth contributed to the sharp slowdown in the global economy in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. High prices led to such a sharp slowdown in fuel demand that oil producer group OPEC was forced to make record output cuts.

The oil minister for the United Arab Emirates did say producers can tolerate a further fall in oil prices to $80-$100 a barrel, the first indication of a preferred price range from a Gulf Arab producer since OPEC talks collapsed in June.

High oil prices would help guarantee future supplies, UAE oil minister Mohammed bin Dhaen al-Hamli said, by encouraging more investment in crude production capacity, which would mean less volatile prices.

"We need a reasonable price to continue building capacity," Hamli told the conference.

"The higher the capacity, the less fluctuation in prices."

The UAE, one of three Gulf OPEC producers with spare capacity, is pumping at 2.5 million barrels per day (bpd) from capacity of 2.7 million bpd, Hamli said, having upped output to help meet a supply shortfall from Libya.

The Arab Spring and the disruption to Libya's oil output have added to the difficulty policy makers face as they search for secure oil supplies.

"The recent spate of unrest in the Middle East and North Africa has generated doubt over the reliability of energy supplies from the region," said S Iswaran, minister in the Singapore Prime Minister's office.

"These events have caused increased volatility in energy markets and prices, heightening the policy challenge of governments to secure reliable and affordable energy supplies to sustain growth."

(Additional reporting by Simon Webb, Jessica Jaganathan, Luke Pachymuthu, Randy Fabi; Writing by Manash Goswami; Editing by Michael Urquhart and Clarence Fernandez)

Asia faces rocky road in securing energy needs | Reuters

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-- The MasterFeeds

October 26, 2011

Iron ore in record slide as China demand slows | Reuters


Iron ore in record slide as China demand slows
China's appetite for iron ore has weakened with slowing steel demand from the construction sector, pushing down prices for the steel-making ingredient nearly 30 percent since early September.

Some mills in China have stopped buying iron ore as they curb steel output to cope with the downturn in demand. China buys around two thirds of seaborne cargoes to feed the world's largest steel industry, and is the biggest market for the mining giants Vale (VALE5.SA), Rio Tinto (RIO.AX)(RIO.L) and BHP Billiton (BHP.AX)(BLT.L).

Weak steel demand across Asia cut profits at Japan's two biggest steelmakers -- Nippon Steel Corp (5401.T) and JFE Holdings Inc (5411.T) -- in the fiscal six months to September, and both slashed their full-year outlook.

"Steel mills have started to cut production and have suspended iron ore purchases, while miners keep on producing and delivering spot cargoes, so we see iron ore prices diving these days," said an iron ore buying official with a mid-sized steel mill in south-central China.




Iron ore is loaded into a pile at Fortescue Metals Cloudbreak iron ore mine, about 250km (155 miles) southeast of Port Hedland in Western Australia state, July 25, 2011.  REUTERS/Morag MacKinnon
Iron ore is loaded into a pile at Fortescue Metals Cloudbreak iron ore mine, about 250km (155 miles) southeast of Port Hedland in Western Australia state, July 25, 2011.
Credit: Reuters/Morag MacKinnon

SINGAPORE | Wed Oct 26, 2011 8:40am EDT
(Reuters) - Iron ore's steepest ever price slide on Tuesday reflects slowing growth in top consumer China and casts more doubts on Beijing's commodity demand at a time when the outlook for developed economies remains shaky.
China's appetite for iron ore has weakened with slowing steel demand from the construction sector, pushing down prices for the steel-making ingredient nearly 30 percent since early September.
Some mills in China have stopped buying iron ore as they curb steel output to cope with the downturn in demand. China buys around two thirds of seaborne cargoes to feed the world's largest steel industry, and is the biggest market for the mining giants Vale (VALE5.SA), Rio Tinto (RIO.AX)(RIO.L) and BHP Billiton (BHP.AX)(BLT.L).
Weak steel demand across Asia cut profits at Japan's two biggest steelmakers -- Nippon Steel Corp (5401.T) and JFE Holdings Inc (5411.T) -- in the fiscal six months to September, and both slashed their full-year outlook.
JFE said steel prices in Asia will remain stagnant because of slower Chinese demand and larger-than-expected supply from South Korea.

October 25, 2011

Where in the world is the gold?

Where in the world is the gold?

GoldSeek Web - By: Chris Powell, Secretary/Treasurer, GATA



-- Posted Sunday, 23 October 2011 | Source: GoldSeek.com


Remarks by Chris Powell
Secretary/Treasurer, Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee Inc.
Fall Dinner Meeting
Committee for Monetary Research and Education
Union League Club
New York, N.Y.
Thursday, October 20, 2011

CMRE President Elizabeth Currier chose the title of my remarks -- "Where in the World Is the Gold?" -- and I didn't argue with her, but if I knew where the gold was, they'd have to kill me. And if I knew and told you before they got to me, you'd all have a big problem too.

But for our purposes tonight it is enough to know that we will never be permitted to know, at least not in the current political circumstances.

Having been raising questions about the gold market for 12 years now, I've realized that the amounts, location, and disposition of government gold reserves are secrets more sensitive than the amounts, location, and disposition of nuclear weapons. Indeed, under nuclear weapons control treaties, governments with nuclear weapons have often shared that sort of information, even with hostile powers. But gold reserve information is far more tightly held and most gold information provided officially is actually disinformation.

Why is it this way?

It's because gold is an even more powerful weapon than nukes -- an alternative currency that is not necessarily under any governments power, a determinant of the value of other currencies, interest rates, government bonds, and equities.

It's not just me saying this. Lawrence Summers, former U.S. Treasury Secretary and off-and-on economics professor at Harvard, said so in the study he wrote with University of Michigan economics professor Robert Barsky in the Journal of Political Economy in 1988, a study titled "Gibson's Paradox and the Gold Standard." This study is posted at the Internet site of my organization:

http://www.gata.org/files/gibson.pdf

A few weeks ago, maintaining that his "Gibson's Paradox" study remains dispositive of the gold price issue, Summers provided it to New York Times columnist Paul Krugman -- and did so by giving Krugman the link to it at GATA's Internet site. That's what Krugman wrote on his blog.

This close correlation among gold, interest rates, and government bond values is why central banks long have tried to control -- usually suppress -- the price of gold. For gold is the ticket out of the central banking system, the escape from coercive central bank and government power. As an independent currency, a currency to which investors can resort when they are dissatisfied with government currencies, gold carries the enormous power to discipline governments, to call them to account for their inflation of the money supply and to warn the world against it. Because gold is the vehicle of escape from the central banking system, the manipulation of the gold market is the manipulation that makes possible all other market manipulation by government.

That manipulation operates through the largely surreptitious mobilization of Western central bank gold reserves and the gold nominally held by the major exchange-traded funds. If the manipulation was done completely in the open, as governments used to manipulate the gold market, through the gold standard and then through what was called the London Gold Pool, the Western central bank gold dishoarding scheme of the 1960s, the manipulation would fail, because then the world would understand that there isn't a free market in gold -- or in any currency, any more than there is a free market in government bonds.

Anyone can determine this for himself just by putting the unanswerable questions to central bankers and treasury officials.

For example, three years ago, as the International Monetary Fund was constantly announcing plans to sell some of its gold, I wrote to the IMF to try to determine exactly where its supposed gold was kept and whether the IMF had control of its own gold or if that gold was only pledges of gold from its member nations. The most I got out of the IMF was that its bylaws allow its gold to be stored in the United States, Britain, France, and India. When I asked if there ever had been an audit of the IMF's gold, the IMF's publicist terminated our correspondence. I was refused information as to where the IMF's gold was.

At the hearing held on March 25, 2010, by the U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission to inquire into the precious metals market, the managing director of the metals consultancy CPM Group in New York, Jeff Christian, a consultant to central banks, testified to what he had published in an explanatory essay in 2000. Christian testified that the world's biggest gold market, the London bullion market, is actually part of a fractional-reserve gold banking system where many times more gold is sold than is delivered. Most London gold buyers don't take delivery, and so most gold in client accounts on the books of the London bullion banks doesn't exist. It is just an unsecured claim against the bullion banks, which presumably have assurances that, in an emergency like a short squeeze, they can obtain gold from central banks.

That is, Western central banks have figured out how to increase gold's supply by vast amounts without going through the trouble of digging it out of the ground. They help to invent and sustain "paper gold" -- imaginary gold that many buyers accept, never suspecting that they're being deceived and cheated, fooled into thinking that they are buying a finite resource to hedge against the infinite creation of currency, when what they are buying is just as subject to infinite creation as the currency they want to hedge against.

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